26 de junho é o Dia Internacional contra o Abuso e o Tráfico de Drogas. Instituído pela Assembléia Geral da ONU em 1987, este dia serve para relembrar as metas acordadas pelos Estados-Membros, para criar um mundo livre de drogas. O Escritório das Nações Unidas sobre Drogas e Crime (UNODC) seleciona temas para o Dia Internacional e lança campanhas de sensibilização sobre o problema mundial das drogas. Saúde é o tema em curso da campanha mundial anti- drogas.


Na
nossa opinião, o UNODC está enviando uma mensagem ambígua (para não dizer hipócrita). Por um lado, mobiliza as pessoas a apoiarem o atual sistema de controle de drogas que, não só fracassou miseravelmente em evitar o uso de drogas, mas também gerou prejuízos imensos. Por outro lado, estimula os jovens a fazerem escolhas saudáveis.

Concordamos que, não só os jovens, mas todos nós devemos fazer escolhas saudáveis em nossas vidas, mas acreditamos que o atual sistema de controle de drogas não tem nos ajudado a fazê-la.

Através da
criminalização de algumas drogas, estabelecida em três convenções da ONU, o sistema atual não tem promovido uma política de drogas saudável em seus Estados membros. É bastante claro agora, que é a própria política de criminalização das drogas que está por trás da maioria dos problemas sociais e de saúde relacionados ao uso de drogas. O UNODC está ciente disso e até reconheceu o fato em certa medida, quando o seu diretor executivo, Antonio Maria Costa falou, no ano passado, sobre "as consequências não intencionais" da proibição das drogas. Portanto, poderíamos considerar como negligência criminosa a continuidade deste sistema.

Este sistema, baseado em interdição, prejudica a saúde e o bem-estar de centenas de milhões de pessoas e dificulta o desenvolvimento de soluções alternativas e criativas para resolver os problemas relacionados às drogas e ainda impede o uso de certas substâncias para fins industriais, medicinais e outros fins benéficos para o ser humano.


Sob esta
atmosfera de medo e de constante ameaça dos males das drogas, gerado pelas campanhas do UNODC, a maioria dos Estados-Membros não apresenta interesse em implementar qualquer outra política que não seja a de "guerra às drogas". A maioria dos países ainda criminaliza o consumo de drogas e alguns usam punições extremamente desproporcionais, como a pena de morte. A redução de danos e estratégias de tratamento voluntário recebem pouco apoio e estão, de fato, a perder força em muitos países que necessitam desesperadamente de soluções mais criativas para seus problemas relacionados às drogas. Os usuários de drogas são frequentemente expostos à má qualidade e contaminação das drogas porque, neste sistema as drogas são oferecidas exclusivamente por meios ilegais. Os consumidores estão sendo, também, privados dos potenciais benefícios terapêuticos de plantas e outras substâncias (como a morfina, a maconha, MDMA, folhas de coca, etc) que são estritamente controladas pelas convenções da ONU ou, como na maioria dos casos, consideradas sem valor terapêutico. Os custos judiciais e policiais alocados na tentativa de reduzir a oferta de drogas ainda representam a maior parte do “orçamento das drogas" deixando, em muitos países, menos de 30% do total de recursos para ser investido na prevenção, redução de danos e tratamento.

Uma abordagem saudável para a questão das drogas é, portanto, incompatível com o atual sistema de controle das drogas da ONU. Se o UNODC quer realmente promover a saúde, ele deve primeiro fazer uma escolha mais saudável para si mesmo, o que significa uma profunda revisão das convenções, permitindo uma maior flexibilidade aos Estados-Membros para a adoção de novas políticas e acabar de uma vez por todas esta insustentável política de guerra às drogas.

Neste 26 de junho, vamos ajudar o UNODC a fazer uma escolha saudável. Envie um e-mail para o diretor executivo do UNODC, Antonio Maria Costa (antonio.maria.costa@unodc.org,) dizendo como a política proibicionista tem causado danos à sua saúde, mais até que a própria droga.
Você também pode divulgar sua mensagem através da página da campanha do UNODC no facebook. A participação política também é uma atitude saudável, participe!


Press release and call for action on June 26 from ENCOD

No Brasil a Psicotropicus promove evento cultural para marcar o dia 26, compareça!




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As they do every year just before the 26 of June (World day against drugs), UNODC released yesterday the 2010 World drug report. Below is just UNODC's press release, but it highlights the main points of the report. As we all know this report is based in rather controversial collection of data from member states, so we should be aware of the always biased content of the report. But, anyway, it is an important tool to see trends in UNODC position and line of campaigning. I highlighted (in red) some statements I found important and I also made some comments (in blue CAPS).

Press release UNODC World Drug Report 2010

Shows Shift Towards New Drugs and New Markets

Report highlights threat of drugs to health and security

VIENNA, 23 June (UN Information Service) - The World Drug Report 2010, issued today at the National Press Club in Washington by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), shows that drug use is shifting towards new drugs and new markets. Drug cultivation is declining in Afghanistan (for opium) and the Andean countries (coca), and drug use has stabilized in the developed world. However, there are signs of an increase in drug use in developing countries, and growing abuse of amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) and prescription drugs around the world.

Cultivation of opium and cocaine down

The Report shows that the world's supply of the two main problem drugs - opiates and cocaine - keeps declining. The global area under opium cultivation has dropped by almost a quarter (23 per cent) in the past two years, and opium production looks set to fall steeply in 2010 due to a blight that could wipe out a quarter of Afghanistan's poppy crop. Coca cultivation, down by 28 per cent in the past decade, has kept declining in 2009. World cocaine production has declined by 12-18 per cent over the 2007-2009 period.

Heroin: production declining, interdictions low

Global potential heroin production fell by 13 per cent to 657 tons in 2009, reflecting lower opium production in both Afghanistan and Myanmar. The actual amount of heroin reaching the market is much lower (around 430 tons) since significant amounts of opium are being stockpiled. UNODC estimates that there are currently more than 12,000 tons of Afghan opium or, around two and a half years of global illicit opiate demand, being stock-piled.

The global heroin market, estimated at US$55 billion, is concentrated in Afghanistan (which accounts for 90 per cent of supply), Russia, Iran and Western Europe which together consume half the heroin produced in the world.

Although Afghanistan produces most of the world's opiates, it seizes less than two per cent of them. Iran and Turkey are scoring the highest, responsible for over half of all heroin seized globally in 2008. Interdiction rates elsewhere are much lower. Along the northern route, the countries of Central Asia are only seizing a meagre five per cent of the 90 tons of heroin that cross their territory heading towards Russia. In turn Russia, that consumes 20 per cent of the Afghan heroin output, seizes only four per cent of this flow. The figures are even worse along the Balkan route: some countries of South-Eastern Europe, including EU member states, are intercepting less than two per cent of the heroin crossing their territory.

Cocaine market is shifting

The World Drug Report 2010 shows that cocaine consumption has fallen significantly in the United States in the past few years. The retail value of the US cocaine market has declined by about two thirds in the 1990s, and by about one quarter in the past decade. "One reason for the drug-related violence in Mexico is that cartels are fighting over a shrinking market," said UNODC Executive Director Antonio Maria Costa. "This in-fight is a blessing for America, as the resulting cocaine drought is causing lower addiction rates, higher prices and lesser purity of doses."

To an extent the problem has moved across the Atlantic: in the last decade the number of cocaine users in Europe doubled, from 2 million in 1998 to 4.1 million in 2008. By 2008, the European market (US$34 billion) was almost as valuable as the North American market (US$37 billion). The shift in demand has led to a shift in trafficking routes, with an increasing amount of cocaine flowing to Europe from the Andean countries via West Africa. This is causing regional instability. "People snorting coke in Europe are killing the pristine forests of the Andean countries and corrupting governments in West Africa," said Mr. Costa.

Use of synthetic drugs exceeds opiates and cocaine combined

The global number of people using amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) - estimated at around 30-40 million - is soon likely to exceed the number of opiate and cocaine users combined. There is also evidence of increasing abuse of prescription drugs. "We will not solve the world drugs problem if we simply push addiction from cocaine and heroin to other addictive substances - and there are unlimited amounts of them, produced in mafia labs at trivial costs," warned Mr. Costa.

The ATS market is harder to track because of short trafficking routes (manufacturing usually takes place close to main consumer markets), and the fact that many of the raw materials are both legal and readily available. Manufacturers are quick to market new products (like ketamine, piperazines, Mephedrone and Spice) and exploit new markets. "These new drugs cause a double problem. First, they are being developed at a much faster rate than regulatory norms and law enforcement can keep up. Second, their marketing is cunningly clever, as they are custom-manufactured so as to meet the specific preference in each situation," said Mr. Costa.

The number of ATS-related clandestine laboratories reported increased by 20 per cent in 2008, including in countries where such labs had never been detected in the past.

Manufacture of 'ecstasy' has increased in North America (notably in Canada) and in several parts of Asia, and use seems to be increasing in Asia. In another demonstration of the fluidity of drug markets, ecstasy use in Europe has plummeted since 2006.

(ANOTHER GOOD EXAMPLE OF THE FAILURE OF THE ACTUAL GLOBAL CONTROL SYSTEM BASED ON CROP ERADICATION AND INTERDICTION IN BORDERS AND TRANSITION COUNTRIES)

Cannabis still the world's drug of choice

Cannabis remains the world's most widely produced and used illicit substance: it is grown in almost all countries of the world, and is smoked by 130-190 million people at least once a year - though these parameters are not very telling in terms of addiction. The fact that cannabis use is declining in some of its highest value markets, namely North America and parts of Europe, is another indication of shifting patterns of drug abuse.

UNODC found evidence of indoor cultivation of cannabis for commercial purposes in 29 countries, particularly in Europe, Australia and North America. Indoor growing is a lucrative business and is increasingly a source of profit for criminal groups. Based on evidence gathered in 2009, Afghanistan is now the world's leading producer of cannabis resin (as well as opium).

Insufficient drug treatment

The World Drug Report 2010 exposes a serious lack of drug treatment facilities around the world. "While rich people in rich countries can afford treatment, poor people and/or poor countries are facing the greatest health consequences," warned the head of UNODC. The Report estimates that, in 2008, only around a fifth of problem drug users worldwide had received treatment in the past year, which means around 20 million drug dependent people did not receive treatment. "It is time for universal access to drug treatment," said Mr. Costa.

He called for health to be the centrepiece of drug control. "Drug addiction is a treatable health condition, not a life sentence. Drug addicts should be sent to treatment, not to jail. And drug treatment should be part of mainstream healthcare."

(OK, WE AGREE, BUT SPENDING SO MUCH MONEY ON DRUG INTERDICTION, CRIMINAL JUSTICE COSTS AND DRUG WAR FAIRS (ALL SUPPORTED AND STIMULATED BY UNODC), HOW EXACTLY COUNTRIES WILL BE ABLE TO INVEST MORE ON DRUG TREATMENT, PREVENTION AND HARM REDUCTION?)

He also called for greater respect for human rights. "Just because people take drugs, or are behind bars, this doesn't abolish their rights. I appeal to countries where people are executed for drug-related offences or, worse, are gunned down by extra-judicial hit squads, to end this practice."

(HE FAILS TO ACKNOWLEDGE THAT WAS THIS CLIMATE OF DRUG WAR PROMOTED BY UNODC AND HIS STRONGEST ALLIES - LIKE USA- THAT VERY LIKELY ENCOURAGED THOSE COUNTRIES TO EXTEND THIS KIND OF PENALTIES TO DRUG TRAFFICKERS AND USERS).

Warning signs in the developing world

Mr. Costa highlighted the dangers of drug use in the developing world. "Market forces have already shaped the asymmetric dimensions of the drug economy; the world's biggest consumers of the poison (the rich countries) have imposed upon the poor (the main locations of supply and trafficking) the greatest damage," said Mr. Costa. "Poor countries are not in a position to absorb the consequences of increased drug use. The developing world faces a looming crisis that would enslave millions to the misery of drug dependence."

He cited the boom in heroin consumption in Eastern Africa, the rise of cocaine use in West Africa and South America, and the surge in the production and abuse of synthetic drugs in the Middle East and South East Asia. "We will not solve the world drugs problem by shifting consumption from the developed to the developing world," said Mr. Costa.

Drug trafficking and instability

The World Drug Report 2010 contains a chapter on the destabilizing influence of drug trafficking on transit countries, focusing in particular on the case of cocaine. It shows how under-development and weak governance attract crime, while crime deepens instability. It shows how the wealth, violence and power of drug trafficking can undermine the security, even the sovereignty, of states. The threat to security posed by drug trafficking has been on the agenda of the United Nations Security Council several times during the past year.

While drug-related violence in Mexico receives considerable attention, the Northern Triangle of Central America, consisting of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador is even more badly affected, with murder rates much higher than in Mexico. The Report says that Venezuela has emerged as a major departure point for cocaine trafficked to Europe: between 2006 and 2008, over half of all detected maritime shipments of cocaine to Europe came from Venezuela.

The Report highlights the unstable situation in West Africa which has become a hub for cocaine trafficking. It notes that "traffickers have been able to co-opt top figures in some authoritarian societies", citing the recent case of Guinea-Bissau.

Mr. Costa called for more development to reduce vulnerability to crime, and increased law enforcement cooperation to deal with drug trafficking. "Unless we deal effectively with the threat posed by organized crime, our societies will be held hostage - and drug control will be jeopardized, by renewed calls to dump the UN drug conventions that critics say are the cause of crime and instability. This would undo the progress that has been made in drug control over the past decade, and unleash a public health disaster," he warned. "Yet, unless drug prevention and treatment are taken more seriously, public opinion's support to the UN drug conventions will wane."

(IN THE LATEST ENCOD BULLETIN I RAISED SOME ARGUMENTS TO SHOW THAT THE ACTUAL SYSTEM IS THE MAJOR RESPONSIBLE FOR UNDERDEVELOPMENT AND DRUG HEALTH PROBLEMS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES. WE HAVE TO CONTINUE RAISING PUBLIC AWARENESS OF THE COLLATERAL DAMAGE (OR "UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES") OF THE CURRENT "DRUG CONTROL" SYSTEM AND SHOW ALTERNATIVES THAT COULD IMPROVE HEALTH AND DIMINISH DRUG TRAFFICKING RELATED VIOLENCE).

LET'S SPREAD THE HYPOCRISY OF THE UNODC STRATEGY, THAT IS IN ONE HAND PROMOTING INCREASE ON DRUG WAR EXPENSES AND ON THE OTHER IS CALLING FOR A HEALTHIER APPROACH. IN MY VIEW THOSE TWO CANNOT FAIRLY COEXIST. FOR A TRULY HEALTHIER APPROACH A NEW DRUG REGULATION SYSTEM HAS TO BE PUT IN PLACE, RESPECTING DRUG USERS NEEDS AND RIGHTS, AND FINDING SOLUTIONS - NOT ONLY JAIL OR DEATH - TO PEOPLE INVOLVED WITH PRODUCTION AND TRAFFICKING.)TR


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By Ángel Páez

LIMA, Feb 2008 (IPS)
- Anti-drug police at Peru’s "Jorge Chávez" international airport in Lima have had their hands full over the last year, arresting nearly two "mules" a day, each carrying an average of five kg of pure cocaine.
In 2005, 249 "mules" or drug couriers were arrested. In 2006 there were 454 arrests, and last year the number rose to 721, carrying a total of nearly four tons of cocaine, the police National Anti-Drug Directorate told IPS.

The usual method is to swallow some 10 packets or capsules, each containing 100 grams of cocaine. But often larger quantities are carried, with the drug hidden under false bottoms in luggage, camouflaged in different kinds of containers, or attached to the body with adhesive tape.

Of the 721 smugglers arrested in 2007, 62.4 percent (453) were Peruvian and the rest were foreigners, particularly from Spain (45), the Netherlands (29) and Brazil (18). Over three-quarters of the Peruvian "mules" were poor or unemployed.

According to the histories of detainees taken by the anti-drug police at the airport, the going rate paid by drug traffickers to couriers who swallow cocaine packets and are sent to Brazil or Argentina is about 1,000 dollars.

If they are sent to the United States, Europe or Asia, where the drugs have higher value, payment can be between 2,000 and 3,000 dollars. The more the couriers travel, the more they are paid, unless they are caught by the police, or die from cocaine poisoning when a capsule splits open in their bowels.

For a poor or unemployed Peruvian, the payment for swallowing the capsules and travelling four or five hours to Buenos Aires or Sao Paulo is extremely attractive, in spite of the risks.

The number of people willing to take the risk is increasing. In 2007, 452 were arrested, compared to 193 in 2006.

Poverty creates a fertile recruiting ground.

The Peruvian press, accustomed to printing news about "mule" detentions, was nevertheless shocked on Dec. 22 by the arrest of 43-year-old Evelyn Changra, who attempted to travel to Buenos Aires with one kg of cocaine in her stomach, together with her children, aged 17 and 15, who had also swallowed drugs.

"This was a very poor family from San Juan de Lurigancho," an anti-drug police officer told IPS, referring to one of the most densely populated shantytown districts of Lima.

"The drug trafficker who recruited Evelyn Changra promised her 3,000 dollars if she would take her children along. She accepted because she had never been offered so much money in her life," the source said.

A large proportion of Peruvian "mules" also come from Villa El Salvador, Comas and Carabayllo, similar working-class districts on the outskirts of Lima.

Of the 721 couriers intercepted at the airport, 303 (42 percent) were heading for Brazil, 148 (20.5 percent) for Argentina and 122 (16.9 percent) for Spain. Recently introduced cut-price commercial flights from Lima to Sao Paulo have encouraged the drug mafias to increase trafficking to Brazil’s biggest city.

In Argentina, drug traffickers are active among the large Peruvian community in Buenos Aires, and through relatives, they recruit "mules" from poor districts like San Juan de Lurigancho. In fact, the most important drug lords operating in the Argentine capital come from that part of Lima.

"Those we catch tend to be people who stand out because they are obviously nervous, behave suspiciously, or don’t look as if they could afford a plane ticket. But many do manage to leave the country," the police source said. "It’s impossible to take X-rays of everybody, and it’s also impossible to search all the baggage and every object that could potentially be hiding cocaine."

As trafficking by "mule" increases, President Alan García announced that he would hold talks with the governments of several countries so that their citizens would serve sentences in their home countries, to ease the overcrowding in Peruvian prisons. The National Prisons Institute told IPS that only 18 percent of the drug couriers arrested have so far been sentenced.

In the Santa Monica women’s prison in Lima, there are 1,275 inmates accused of drug-related crimes: 942 Peruvians and 207 foreigners. Less than 240 have already been convicted and sentenced.

"Mules" who are willing to cooperate with the justice system can reduce their sentences by up to seven years. But if they refuse to cooperate, they risk being accused of belonging to an international drug trafficking organisation, a crime that carries a penalty of up to 15 years in prison.

"There’s been a real wave of arrests, and all the indications are that 2008 will be another record year. Now the drug barons are recruiting people from the valleys where cocaine is refined and produced. Using ‘mules’ is a cheap method for them, because losing half a ton or one ton of cocaine in a big shipment is worse than losing one kilo when a ‘mule’ is caught," said the officer.

The main cocaine production centres are in the Huallaga valley, in the country’s Amazon jungle region, and in the basins of the Apurimac and Ene rivers, in the southeastern part of the highlands region. Poverty is extreme in both places. In some areas up to 70 percent of the population is poor.

According to a 2007 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), cocaine production in Peru has been rising over the last five years.

In 2001, the estimated production of cocaine hydrochloride was 150 tons, compared to 280 tons in 2006.

However, according to the Peruvian police force’s own statistics, drug seizures fell last year. In 2006, 14.6 tons of cocaine were confiscated, and in 2007, just over eight tons. Good news for the traffickers. (END/2008)


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By Lauren Fulton
Courting Africa, Vol. 29 (2) - Summer 2007 Issue

Lauren Fulton is a staff writer at the Harvard International Review


With the reelection of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in September 2006, inequities appeared to be fading and the quality of life of the average Brazilian seemed to be improving. Lula promised to advance the economy, already the ninth largest in the world, and thereby strengthen Brazil’s claim to be a “country of the future” and an economic world power. In order to achieve this, Lula recognized the necessity of combating poverty and to this end, he set up the Bolsa family grant, which delivers aid to the most impoverished regions of Brazil. Many Brazilians assumed that drug trafficking, which had been increasing since the 1980s, would subsequently decrease alongside falling poverty. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. A 25-year legacy of drug trafficking has made the practice a major feature of Brazil’s perpetually impoverished urban slums. While the country is currently on track to see a 50 percent reduction of poverty by 2015, drug production has only escalated. Hence, Lula’s main initiative should be to overcome organized crime in the slums, such that the poor, who remain vulnerable to gang warfare, will be able to live free of crime and rise out of poverty.

In a 2001 report released by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Committee, large scale cultivation of coca—whose leaves are the major raw material for cocaine—was noted to be spreading from Bolivia, Peru, and Colombia, where it has long been documented, to Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Governments are concerned that its spread may correlate with the steady rise in drug trafficking in South American countries, most notably Brazil. While Brazilian drug trafficking began in the 1980s with the exposure of gold miners to the lucrative dealing of drugs in the border states, cocaine production and trafficking has taken root in urban slums, where gangs began earning a quick profit for exporting the contraband. In March 1999, then-Brazilian president Fernando Henrique Cardoso created a task force designed to fight drug trafficking and organized crime, thereby acknowledging the connection between crime mobs, drug trafficking, and poverty.

Unfortunately, the causal links among poverty, crime, and drug trafficking have been embedded in the nation. Poverty has created a culture of drug trafficking that will need continued effort and money to prevent further proliferation. The urban slums, especially those in Sao Paulo, have spawned organized gangs that deal in cocaine and raw drug products, and the violence that results from the combination deters police from entering the areas. The shantytowns, or favelas, are breeding grounds for new militias that continuously come into existence once an old gang is defeated. In February 2007, it was reported that these militia had overrun 90 of Brazil’s 600 favelas, often taking control of the drug trade themselves. What is most troubling is that the militias have included former police officers, prison guards, and firefighters who have turned to a more profitable reign of terror over slums and drug lords, further entrenching a deeply ingrained culture of corruption. Lula’s grants and attempts to end poverty have not reached these slums, and unless they are cleared of crime and reconstructed without the organized gangs, poverty and drugs will persist. Brazil needs to firmly prove that organized crime will not be tolerated and that officials even in impoverished areas will receive a fair salary. In order to do this, the income inequality gap must be bridged.

Only several years ago, Brazil had the most unequal income distribution in the world. With the Gini coefficient—which measures income equality from 0, for perfect distribution, to 1, for completely inequitable distribution—hovering around 0.6 between 1976 and 1996, Brazil’s growth has not benefited everyone; other countries with similar growth rates maintain Gini coefficients of approximately 0.34. At present, the richest 20 percent of the population receive 30 times more income than the poorest. This disparity helps create the slums that become home to organized gangs and drug lords. Furthermore, many of the gains made under Cardoso and Lula measure success on a countrywide scale and ignore the fact that while some of the impoverished have increased their incomes, those in Sao Paulo’s slums have not.

The question remains, what can Brazil do about this growing socioeconomic threat? Lula’s main objective should be to stop preserving a faзade of equal national prosperity and instead focus on solving the real problems of the urban poor. Although poverty is decreasing in Brazil, Lula must now deal with its consequences; drug trafficking in Brazil can only be eradicated by continuing to fight organized crime and close the income inequality gap.


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This is another interesting text, produced by the NGO Breaking the Chains, exploring the implication of the war on drugs to Latin American countries. It calls attention to increased interdiction efforts leading to increased smuggling of more potent drugs (highlighted in blue). Which is another important source of health related problems that could be most linked with criminalization policies.

The original text can be downloaded form Drug Policy Alliance website.


How is Latin America affected by the U.S. war on drugs?


The war on drugs is fought on two fronts: at home and abroad. On the domestic front, policymakers attempt to reduce American drug use through the criminal justice system by coercing and punishing people who use or sell drugs. On the international front, the U.S. sponsors military and police efforts to combat the production and export of illegal drugs from other countries. These strategies are known, respectively, as “demand reduction” and “supply reduction.” Latin America, which produces nearly all of the heroin and cocaine consumed in the United States, is the principal target of U.S. international drug war efforts. Over the past 15 years, the United States has spent more than $25 billion on the two main supply reduction methods: interdiction and crop eradication. Interdiction refers to attempts to seize drugs at the border or while they are en route to the United States. Eradication refers to attempts to eliminate drug crops – the plants used to make cocaine and heroin, for example – while they are being grown. The most controversial method of eradication, employed principally in Colombia, is “aerial fumigation” –
the spraying of poison from military-escorted airplanes onto farms that grow coca (the plant from which cocaine is derived) or opium poppies (from which heroin is made).

Does source-country “supply reduction” work?

No. The drug war has consistently failed to reduce the supply of drugs from Latin America. Despite decades of aggressive policies in Latin America and at the U.S. borders, illegal drugs such as heroin and cocaine remain cheap, pure and readily available on U.S. streets. Though eradication may temporarily reduce drug crop production in one particular area, it almost always leads to increased production in other countries and areas. This is known as the “balloon effect”; pushing down production in one place simply pushes it up in another. Undiminished demand for drugs, combined with the nearly inexhaustible supply of cultivatable land and extremely high levels of poverty found throughout Latin America assure that new producers will arise to fill the void. For instance, in the mid-1990s, U.S. efforts led to a 66 percent reduction of coca cultivation in Peru and a 53 percent reduction in Bolivia while cultivation doubled in Colombia. The net amount of cocaine exported by the region as a whole was not significantly changed.

Does interdiction at the U.S. borders work?


Interdiction schemes largely fail. The sheer scale of the U.S. borders and the constantly improving tactics of profit-driven drug smugglers make illegal drugs a very tiny needle in a very large haystack. It is a nearly hopeless task to prevent easily concealable substances such as heroin and cocaine from coming in through more than 12,000 miles of shoreline, 300 ports of entry and more than 7,500 miles of border with Mexico and Canada. By optimistic estimates, interdiction efforts only seize 10 to 15 percent of the heroin and 30 percent of the cocaine coming into the United States. Furthermore, increased interdiction attempts at the border drive drug importing toward more potent versions of drugs. In order to reduce the risk of detection, drug exporters have an incentive to create versions of drugs that can be compacted into smaller spaces or to import drugs that naturally have a higher potency. This provides the greatest “bang for the buck” while lessening the chances of detection. Often these more concentrated versions are more dangerous and potentially addictive than their less concentrated counterparts.

What harmful effects does drug prohibition have within countries in Latin America?


U.S.-enforced drug control efforts in Latin America help fuel violence, lawlessness, corruption and instability throughout the region. Drug prohibition creates a vast illegal market for drug production and distribution, enriching and empowering organized criminals, corrupt government officials and warring factions. The staggering levels of crime and corruption generated by the illegal drug trade in Mexico are among the most dramatic examples of social crises caused by prohibitionist policies. In Bolivia, the violence and economic hardship caused by the military suppression of coca production have threatened the country’s fragile democracy. And in Colombia, nearly all of the armed actors in the brutal, decades-old civil war have derived profits from the drug trade. The list is very long.

What harmful effects does supply-reduction in Latin America have on environmental and human health?


Anti-drug fumigation, such as that carried out with U.S. financial and military support against coca and poppy crops in Colombia, has caused documented harm to human and environmental health. Though it is intended to affect only drug crops, the spraying is too imprecise to ensure that people, livestock and food crops are not
affected. The label of Roundup, an herbicide produced in the United States by Monsanto Co., warns the user to “keep herbivore animals such as horses, cows, sheep, rabbits, turtles, and birds out of the treated area for at least two weeks.” Disregarding these warnings, thousands of gallons of Roundup are sprayed in the diverse and fragile Colombian jungles in order to eradicate coca and opium poppy crops.
The devastating effects of such spraying on the human populations include respiratory problems, skin rashes, vomiting, premature births and miscarriages. In addition, eradication often leaves desperately poor farmers – who never see the large profits enjoyed by traffickers – with few economic alternatives to support their families.

What harmful effects does drug prohibition have on immigration policy and U.S. immigrant populations?


Many immigrants and their families have fallen victim to a 1996 immigration law mandating deportation for non-citizen immigrants with any criminal conviction, including for low-level nonviolent drug offenses, even if the convictions took place prior to the law’s passage. Since 1996, thousands of immigrants have been deported, many for decades-old drug convictions. Families are faced with a near-impossible choice: to lose loved ones or to leave their homes.
U.S. interdiction efforts increasingly threaten the lives and livelihood of Mexican day laborers. Heightened border security measures, made even tighter due to the war on terrorism, have turned daily trips across the border to work – a years-long practice for some – into a life-threatening exercise.
Aside from the increasing number of border-crossing workers being detained, the crossing itself has become more dangerous. Many suffer from heat stroke and heat exhaustion or even die of dehydration caused by staying in overheated trucks for too long without water or from having to cross the border in areas without cover because they are not under as heavy surveillance as others. Many people who need work have taken to crossing the border
by vehicle. Aside from the financial cost of such transport – often resulting in substantial debt – people are increasingly required to carry drugs as part of the cost of their passage. Often described as “mules,” workers run the risk of criminal and/or Immigration & Naturalization Service sanctions, as well as potential health
ramifications when the drugs are transported within the body.

Where should the United States focus its drug control efforts?

U.S. domestic drug-related problems are exactly that: U.S. problems. U.S. drug policies should focus on developing effective approaches to reducing the demand for and abuse of drugs at home through effective drug treatment and education strategies, not failed and harmful interventions at the border and abroad. The long-term goal of drug policy reform is the adoption of a hemispheric drug control philosophy based on public health and regulation rather than prohibition and punishment. Such a philosophy would abandon the failed supply reduction/demand reduction strategies of today, acknowledging that drugs and drug abuse have persisted and will persist, both in the United States and in Latin America, for the foreseeable future. It would replace the relationship of antagonism and blame between North and South with one of genuinely productive cooperation. And it would be based on the same principles reformers advocate domestically – a commitment to reduce the harms of both drug use and drug policies as effectively as possible while maintaining a strong commitment to individual and national sovereignty.
Latin Americans should be supported in their efforts to reduce the harms caused in their countries by drug prohibition and drug abuse – not punished by U.S. drug warriors looking for someone to blame. They must have all options, including decriminalization or taxation and regulation of the drug trade, open to debate. A short-term goal of drug policy reform in Latin America is to broaden and amplify such a debate among the press, public and policymakers.

Sources and Suggested Reading:

Bolivia Under Pressure: Human Rights Violations and Coca Eradication. Human Rights Watch/Americas, vol. 8, no. 4 (D),
May 1996, (17k), http://www.hrw.org/hrw/summaries/s.bolivia965.html.
Gootenberg, Paul. Cocaine: Global Histories. Routledge, 1999.
Gray, Mike. Drug Crazy: How We Got Into This Mess & How We Can Get Out. Random House, 1998.
Joyce, Elizabeth; Malamud, Carlos. University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies. Latin America and the
Multinational Drug Trade. London: Macmillan. 1998.
Rabasa, Angel; Chalk, Peter. Colombian Labyrinth: The Synergy of Drugs and Insurgency and Its Implications for Regional
Stability. Rand Corp., 2001. http://www.lindesmith.org/cites_sources/0833029940_frame.html.
The Transnational Institute, The Bolivian Documentation and Information Center, and Inforpress Centroamericana
Guatemala. Democracy, Human Rights, and Militarism in the War on Drugs in Latin America. April 1997.
http://www.tni.org/drugs/folder1/contents.html.
United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention. Global Illicit Drug Trends 2002. June 2002.
http://www.odccp.org/odccp/global_illicit_drug_trends.html.


Leia mais!

I found this article in an independent journalists' website. As the majority of journalists articles it lacks references, but it states in the beginning that it was mostly based on UNODC publications. Although evidently biased towards a good view of UNODC and international drug control efforts (parts I highlighted in red), it brigs an interesting compilation of reports and a valuable tentative to explain the relationship between poverty/underdevelopment and drug trafficking and even some enlightened conclusions that implies the lack of efficiency of the current system to curb drug-trafficking (highlighted in bold).

By Arielle Caron Published September 26, 2008

This study is a compilation and analysis of research geared toward answering the question: is the narcotics trade keeping the development of Brazil at bay? Looking into the effects of drug trafficking and consumption on socio-economic development, various aspects are discussed including the differing opinions on the situation, the correlation between drugs, development, crime, education, health, children, the current drug situation, the history of drugs in Brazil, Brazil’s development and finally the solutional paths that have been taken. The conclusion more accurately assesses the situation than either the affirmation or refutation of the preliminary hypothesis.

Nations across the globe are now working strenuously towards equitable and sustainable development. In considering the development of any nation, there will inevitably be numerous factors contributing to its successes and its blocking points. Due to nations’ differing situations and issues, the fastest way towards that goal of development may differ accordingly. Knowing the roots of the problems could be just as crucial as being able to come up with solutions. For this reason, it is vital that the major blocking points for each nation are identified and addressed. When coming to understand the situation of the nation of Brazil, the possible blocking point that I chose to look into was the impact and role of drug trafficking.

My hypothesis was that the drug trafficking was, in fact, a major barrier for the development of Brazil. This prediction recognized that other conclusions were also possible. An alternative assessment of the narcotics trade could be that it simply is the result of a lack of good welfare and education systems, leaving the impoverished with few choices and therefore is not directly an obstacle for Brazil’s development. Usually drug use, trafficking and organized crime is viewed as the result of underdevelopment, of poverty; not the cause of it. But in the case of Brazil, the extent of the problem and how deeply rooted it appeared, made it seem possible that currently it may, in fact, be a significant barrier keeping Brazil’s development at bay.

One aspect of the drug issue that seemed hard to ignore is how heftily it emboldens socio-economic disparities. Brazil is an expansive nation with a population of over 183 million and for this reason, it perhaps is easier for Brazilians that don’t live in areas that are directly controlled by drug trafficking circles, to brush it off as someone else’s problem: the problem of the people in the slums, (also known as favelas), not the problem of Brazil and its government. This attitude, to an extent, reflects the drastic gap that still exists between the wealthy and impoverished of Brazil. It seems that for a long time, the situation of the impoverished has been brushed off. But in order for Brazil to progress, to develop a healthy middle class and to have a good quality of life for all of its citizens, it may need to deal with the drug situations that circumscribe the life of so many within its slums. This need may also become more dire as the drug circles and users seem to be expanding and with them, crime.

Main relationships that this paper addresses include the impact of drug trafficking in the social sector, focusing in on crime, violence, education, health and child welfare. Conclusions reached suggest that although reparable, the drug trafficking situation needs to be addressed seriously by society in order for it to not pose further threat to the welfare of the people of Brazil. Opinions on the situation and seriousness of the narcotics trade in Brazil tend to vary. Understandably, many within the country want to be able to go past that image and focus on a positive future for their country. Yet, there are some that have been working hard to improve the narcotics situation and according to the US’s Narcotic Control Strategy Report in 2006, it was recognized that Brazil had undertaken bilateral and multilateral efforts to meet the goals of the 1988 UN Drug Convention, to which Brazil became a party in 1991.

This paper looks into the many aspects of development and how each appear to be influenced and impacted by the narcotics trade. This is done in order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the situation and also for this reason, interviews with citizens of Brazil were especially weighed into the conclusions. The UN Office of Drugs and Crime was a prominent source used in research as were numerous articles written regarding the situations. Exploring what is in the best interest of Brazil, I will also attempt to assess what has been done, how affective it has been and what still needs to be done.

Economic Impactor?
One facet of development is undoubtedly economic growth and stability. In assessing whether or not drug trafficking is impeding the development of Brazil, it makes sense to look at financial indicators to see if it is either costing the economy a lot or rather is creating a positive influx of revenue and jobs. The narcotics trade is a trade and thus brings in revenue and jobs. However, it is not seen to be intricately interwoven with other areas of commerce with the exception of illicit firearms and thus cannot be viewed as potentially dangerous to the economy should it be dissolved. Furthermore, there are numerous sources of spending related to drug trafficking-induced problems. The cost of crime and social deterioration is substantial, estimated to consume 10% of the GDP. The main economic figures that were available showed the costs of the violence and crime through the health required to assist victims, through supporting prison facilities, and through developing expensive systems and staff to contain the drug trafficking.

Statistics support the conclusion that although the trafficking of narcotics is not especially detrimental to the economy, it is to the people. If the statement, “Brazil is doing well but its people are not” , is true, then perhaps what is most important is to consider how Brazil’s people are affected by the narcotics trade. It has been said that, contrary to popular belief, development is often primarily political and cultural, with the economy secondary. For this reason, this paper will continue to mainly focus on the analysis of social indicators showing the effects of drug trafficking and drug consumption.

Direct Effects

Social indicators range widely and inevitably affect each other. However, there are a certain aspects of society in Brazil that are so affected by the drug trafficking and consumption that the correlation is direct. The three that will be touched upon are the areas of health, education, and welfare of children.

Health

“Drug addiction is a problem that places increasing demands on the public health services and society in general.” These increasing demands and strains come in different forms, but the trends are clear that where there is drug consumption or trafficking, public health is worse. This includes the serious epidemic of HIV/AIDS. The UN Office of Drugs and Crime reports that along the cocaine trafficking route, numbers of users and cases of HIV/AIDS is distinctly higher than other parts of Brazil. “The Brazilian epidemic among injecting drug users follows the main routes of cocaine transshipment.”

However, in regards the HIV/AIDS epidemic, it should be noted that Brazil has done quite well in reducing the number of cases. According to numerous reports, including that of the UNODC, Brazil has been clearly successful in its reduction of AIDS. This success extends to cases of AIDS that were contracted by the injection of drugs. More than anything, this shows tangibly that the awareness and action taken on the part of the government and society as a whole can make a huge difference. The Programme of the Ministry of Health reports that from 1994 to 2004, AIDS among injection users dropped from 27 per cent to 13 per cent for men and 17 per cent to 4.3 per cent for women. This victory was not augured by any world guesstimates. The World Bank in 1992 predicted that Brazil’s AIDS epidemic would have spread to affect 1,200,000 by 2000. However, the so-called “epidemic” was contained to only 597,000 in 2000.

However, other factors that were studied showed an increased rate of AIDS among women, especially those impoverished and with an IDU(injecting drug user) partner. In addition, there is increased spreading among the youth, the lower education level, and the rural sector. This shows that the bottom half of the disparity dynamic is suffering further. Further analysis showed a “disturbing relationship” between the use of crack and AIDS, which contrasts with the decreasing relationship between cocaine and AIDS. This bluntly calls attention to the health of those involved with crack, particularly among women and youth.

Despite the success, or lack thereof, of the health department, it remains evident that the narcotics trade is affecting stress on the health department. The Ministry of Health Information Department (DATASUS) estimated that the government is spending at least US$ 35 million per year on the related costs of alcohol and drug abuse translated into public health.

Children

Another area that is suffering as a result of the narcotics trade is the position of children. Their health is perhaps most dramatically threatened through the types of violence that is commonly observed in the drug trafficking trade. Their disadvantage in age, experience, and opportunity places them in a dangerous demographic when it comes to the narcotics trade and the many affects it has on society. The employment of young children by drug lords is one situation that is especially demanding of attention. Because Brazil’s protective child statute holds that children under 18 can’t be arrested unless caught in the act, they are often the target recruits for the lowest rung in the drug trade: these children are often killed, working as outlooks, then on to deliveries and errands. Sadly, many of these youth’s lives end tragically. Many are killed when a dealer is simply unhappy or annoyed with the child and has an impulse to shoot someone.

It appears that, like with other social sectors of the poor areas, not much federal investment is currently going into improving the situation of children that are suffering from the narcotics trade. There are few programmes for these street children, and the number of street children is only increasing, as is their involvement in drug use, prostitution and crime. An undeniable aspect of development is human welfare, which begins with a child’s right to freely pursue life, liberty and justice. If the government of Brazil is rapidly moving towards development, it should seriously consider drastic social action to remedy the position of its impoverished children, especially those in connection with the narcotics trade.

Education

Education, especially education being made available to the poor, is key to development in the way that it empowers people. It allows for people to raise their individual awareness and in some situations, take social action. I did not focus too much time in researching the education systems in connection with the drug trafficking routes, etc. However, it is understood that many of the youth that are getting involved in drug trafficking are not staying in school. It may not be available in the slums, or it may not be taken seriously by the fiscal sector and thus is of very low quality. The UN Office of Drugs and Crime did refer to one study that was done that analyzed how the school environment was being affected by the narcotics consumption and trafficking. “Retrato da Escola” was a study that collected data from 2,351 schools, starting in 2002, on drugs and drug trafficking within the school environment. Some statistics (solely on effects within the physical school building) include that 32 per cent reported that there was drug use, either occasionally or always, with 21.7 per cent reporting the presence of trafficking to be either occasional or always. In conclusion, there is a strong drug presence in the education sector; even beyond the slums and it is hindering progress for the educational future of many.

Education is one sector that could be a powerful source for change and reform. Although it is currently suffering from the drug situation, it may have been weak from the start. If the government can invest in schools and educate youth so they are equipped to even initiate social reform, then perhaps it could be not only another problem, but also a potential solution.

Drugs and Crime Connection

Some may argue that crime is a result of poverty, and thus will only be eliminated/reduced through the eradication of poverty, not of the narcotics trade. In the same way, one could say that if one suggests eliminating the narcotics trafficking and market, one must consider how to replace the incomes of the individuals that resort to it out of poverty. Understandably, poverty is a huge issue and deserves its own paper entirely. However, the amount of crime that is related to drug trafficking cannot be ignored. The narcotics trade’s connection to crime goes beyond petty theft and violence that is poverty driven, although it certainly includes that. Crime and violence associated with the narcotics trade includes everything from the massive importing of illicit firearms, to war between drug gangs, to highly professional organized crime and drug cartels that are laundering millions of dollars.

“Increased drug trafficking in Brazil potentially impacts public security because it promotes drug-related crime.” In reference to crime in Africa, the UNODC stated, “The most profound impacts of crime are personal. Becoming a victim to crime can change people’s lives forever.” The UNODC considers the link between drugs and violence to be one of two main aspects that is making drug abuse in Brazil, something to be taken very seriously (The other main aspect being the link of drugs to HIV/AIDS prevalence). Drugs are controlled by drug lords, which equal organized crime. There is no more direct connection than this: everything is illegal and thus constitutes as crime and is closely associated with illegal firearms trade. With this definition of crime, it becomes apparent the extent to which the criminal demographic now expands is impressive. Brazil’s prisons already cannot accommodate all of the inmates.

The Crime of Violence

In 2004, a study carried out by the University of Sao Paulo partnered with the Pan American Health Organization published a work entitled: “Firearm-related Violence in Brazil”. The main conclusion of the paper illustrated how firearm-related violence has evolved into an aspect of everyday life for urban youth. They attribute this reality to, first and foremost, the illicit trafficking of drugs, coupled with the lack of opportunity and employment for the less socially endowed.

This violent reality is a commonplace for homicides. The UNODC explains that, as may be expected,“ The high homicide rate in slum areas is due, to a large extent, to the easy availability of smuggled guns, alcohol abuse, and illicit drugs.” Out of 50,000 homicides registered yearly a significant proportion is related with drug trafficking. Because people pay a lot for drugs (especially wealthy people for house delivery) the market and competition among gangs is fierce. Within large urban areas in Brazil, the high homicide rate among 15 to 25 year-old men is unarguably caused by gang fights.

The effect of gangs cannot be seen as disparate from the firearms and drug trafficking and the crime they confer. The affect of firearms illicitly traded in connection with the narcotics trafficking would not perhaps be the same was it not mainly under the domain of gangs and drug lords. From 1993-2003, 325,551 deaths were reported as caused by firearms. This translates into 32,555 per year which is the highest annual mortality rate caused by firearms, ever recorded.

Crime and Development

Now how much all if this crime weighs into Brazil’s development as a country, is another area of debate. Because development is considered to entail numerous things, it is difficult to analyze and weigh the varying factors effects. Crime, according to the UNODC, undermines equity, which is affecting the poor very deeply. In addition, this crime and violence in slum areas remain high and “solutions remain elusive”, which shows that a large demographic of citizens are being affected by it.

Aspects of progress, of improvement seem to be blocked by the systems the drug lords have set up: “Violent drug gangs make it almost impossible to even enter some of Rio’s favelas, let alone upgrade the housing. The government has to resort to war-like maneuvers just to get into the neighborhoods.” In addition, crime has produced a huge influx of prisoners and with a high rate of recidivism (return of prisoners), the government is pouring capital into the jails. A prisoner in Brazil costs the criminal justice system 16 times the cost of keeping one student in school. Many feel that one of the solutions to dissolving the presence of drug trafficking in the communities is to improve the education system so the youth of the communities have the foundation to choose better paths for their lives, but if the government is spending so much money on the jails, that education isn’t getting as much funding as it could be. Crime depletes resources that could be used for education, health, public safety, generation of employment etc. Although an exact number has never been assessed, the UNODC office of Brazil estimates that the economic and social cost of crime could represent 10 percent of the Gross Domestic Product.

Another big question is, is crime increasing or decreasing? This also would help one understand whether the drug situation is worsening or improving. UNODC reports that organized crime, with clear regional and international links has increased. The difference in crime in the slum areas and tourist areas is drastic with 150 homicides per 100,000 people in the Favelas and only 5 homicides for the same amount of people in the wealthier areas. These deaths do not necessarily consist of only trafficker, criminals and police. Often civilians are the ones that get shot out of example: either the police warning the gangs, or one gang warning another by shooting family members of leaders. “We see the news of violence in the Alemao favela and it makes people angry, because we know many of the people who die in conflicts are reported as being criminals, but we know they are not.”

Also, according to some interviews and differing reports, drugs and crime are not only increasing, they are also spreading. This is not a good sign of development. One man from the southern state of Parana’ explained that growing up, drugs only affected the poor and urban but now is affecting everyone, everywhere, even the small cities of the south.

Regarding development, because the narcotics trade has proved to be so closely linked to crime (illicit arm imports), and everything that one expects in heavy underdevelopment, it is only preventing development.

Drug History

According to a New York Times article, drug experts for years shuddered at the thought of what would happen if the expansive nation of Brazil became involved in the narcotics trade. “Those dark forecasts are coming true. Brazil has emerged as the most important new player in the international narcotics trade, with a role in every stage of the drug chain, from production to consumption.” This article was written in the late 1980s, when the transfer of trafficking routes into Brazil significantly began.

The reasons for the traffickers to desire Brazil as its transit country choice are quite clear: Brazil is so big, it is easy to elude pursuers, it has markets to the entire world, and it has consumers.
It appears that Brazil's role in the narcotics trade is somewhat recent and was not as deeply rooted as I had thought. Becoming a big player in 1980s, Brazil is only in knee-deep at most. As a nation, it is starting to be known for its favelas and drug trafficking but this view has not monopolized the world’s view on Brazil and more importantly doesn’t seem to have monopolized Brazil’s view of its self. Compared to neighboring countries that have been a part of the narcotics scene for so long, Brazil has a better chance of changing its citizens’ minds: changing the direction in which the country is going.

Current drug situation

The UNODC tags Brazil to be particularly vulnerable to trafficking due to its proximity to the main drug-producing countries in Latin America. “The geography of Brazil allows for greater mobility of trafficking network. This makes state control measures difficult. The existing national infrastructure is well explored by criminal organizations for their illicit activities. These characteristics allow the drug traffickers to find a financial heaven in Brazil, using the country as an export route or even as a cocaine deposit point.” Although Brazil has a domestic market for drugs, it was not what drew traffickers. Entering into the research, I considered it a possibility that the drug circles expanded into Brazil because of the number of consumers, the demand. However, I found no research that supported this hypothesis. Brazil is considered as a country of medium consumption.

As a result of the transfer of trafficking routes into Brazil in the 1980s, Brazil is now considered to be a gateway to world markets of illicit drugs produced in the Andean region. It is mainly a transit country for cocaine headed for EU or the US. However, the effect of Brazil being a transit country resulted in an increasingly important domestic market for cocaine consumption. These foreign and domestic markets will be discussed further.

“Drug abuse among the Brazilian population in general, and its youth in particular, has increased significantly over the last decade.” According to the U.S.’s International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, marijuana from Paraguay and cocaine from Bolivia are smuggled into Brazil primarily for domestic consumption. While higher quality cocaine from Columbia gets “exported” to Europe, the Middle East and Africa.

In estimating the magnitude of the role that Brazil plays in drug scene, it is significant that eighty percent of drugs produced and processed in Bolivia are destined for Brazil. Brazil lies central to Paraguay, Peru, Bolivia, Columbia and Venezuela and is an expansive door for trafficking of all kinds. In June 2007 it was estimated that the Bolivian Drug Force had confiscated 266 tons of drugs that year so far. The primary purchaser of these Bolivian shipments is the PCC, one of the largest Brazilian drug cartels. Brazil is among the top 20 principal drug trafficking routes from Peru, Bolivia and Columbia abroad, says the U.S. State Department. It is considered by the same source to be a consumption hub of marijuana produced in Paraguay (Columbian 3). 15.8 metric tons of cocaine were seized in Brazil in 2005, which was double the amount seized in 2004. In the same year, 146.6 metric tons of marijuana was confiscated by the Brazilian Federal Police, assessed a U.S. report (Columbian 3).

The two main components of the drug problem are consumption and export, or traffic. It is important to view the two components separately because research has clearly shown that although Brazil is the center for illicit drug transport and export, it is still considered as a nation of only medium consumption. On the other hand, one cannot ignore that the two aspects are connected and thus increase in one area (e.g. trafficking) may be seen to cause an increase in the other area (consumption). As consumption may be seen as a more direct concern for the domestic development of Brazil, I focused researching that aspect of the narcotics trade.

Consumption

Once again, Brazil is considered as a country of medium consumption. World listings of consumption of both cocaine and cannabis show Brazil to be 55th and 114th for the drug use percentage for populous, respectively. However, there have been many reports of increases in consumption, logically along trafficking routes, which is never a good sign. The past decade shows an increase of drug abuse among youth and includes a fourfold increase in cocaine consumption among adolescents. The UNODC reports that numerous approaches have been used to determine the seriousness of drug consumption in the country. Whether it was through population studies among students and street children, drug-consumption indicators, or ethnographic studies, everything pointed to drug abuse as “a phenomenon of increasing importance in Brazil.”

Consumption style varies but most of the cocaine trafficked for domestic consumption is made into crack locally. “Crack is the drug of choice of low-income population. This is true for many of the major cities of Brazil (such as Sao Paulo), with the exception of Rio de Janeiro. In the poorest areas of Rio de Janeiro, drug trafficking is mainly a retailer’s activity.”

As far as percentage of the adolescent population using, (indicating recent increase), a study was conducted by UNICEF/Brazil towards 5,280 Brazilian adolescents. 14.2 per cent of the interviewees, whose ages ranged from 12 to 17, reported using or having used some kind of illicit drugs. 8.2 per cent of the group of 12 to 14 year-olds reported lifetime use of some kind of illegal drug.

In 2005, the UNODC office in Brazil reported that the National Anti-Drug Secretariat(SENAD) had an average yearly budget of US$2 million in order to reduce drug demand. It goes on to assess: “Unless the Government invests more in drug demand reduction, the situation will continue to deteriorate.”
Looking at the affect of the drug trafficking cannot be done in a static manner: one has to also foresee what the affects could be if the drug trade gets way out of hand. Considering how relatively recently Brazil came into the transit scene, it might be accurate to assess that no one is entirely competent to understand where the current trend could be leading. Organized crime and their traffic routes are rapidly expanding into Brazil. One former police officer commented: "We knew that drug trafficking would not be eradicated with the fall of the big cartels, but we were not expecting Brazil to become the principal route for smuggling Colombian and Bolivian drugs to the rest of the world."

This expansion of larger organized crime and trafficking routes have translated into other dramatic increases of cocaine consumption ,and crime, organized and otherwise.

International Issue

The issue of drug control, especially concerning government task forces with that objective, has become an international policy issue: countries now have to cooperate in order to corner traffickers. An outlaw leader of Columbia’s largest drug cartel was recently located and arrested in the outskirts of Sao Paulo. Although he claimed it was to escape authorities in Columbia, it is known that he had been using profits from his narcotics trades to invest in similar activities in Brazil. This same man was indicted in the U.S. in 2004 for racketeering charges as a member of the Norte del Valle cartel which has sent massive amounts of cocaine to the U.S. The U.S. even began to offer an approximate amount of $5.9 million for information regarding his whereabouts. This is only one example of how drug control is truly warranting the cooperation of many nations in order to reduce the problem. International affects are seen everywhere, for instance because 80 per cent of the drugs produced by Bolivian cartels are shipped to Brazil, the government is very close to holding Bolivia responsible for the increase in the drug traffic.
The international task does not stop at deleting two major cartels, as it was before: now there are many; many new cartels popping up everywhere. One thing to consider is how affective an international criminal court of the future would be as the next step in international effort towards drug trafficking reduction.

Social Issues

The consumption and exporting of drugs impacts the Brazilian society in many different ways. One key issue is the way in which the drug trade impacts the poor most centrally and deeply. For this reason, it could be increasing social disparity. Drug gangs and a corrupt police force impact the society in a irrevocably destructive way, undermining the public’s trust in the government and freedom to even travel beyond the limits of the local gang’s territory. These issues’ connections to the narcotics trade either have already been elucidated or will be in the following text.

Widening the Poverty Gap

One of the biggest development issues/ crisises across the globe today is the distribution of wealth and the immoral, wide gap that exists between the rich and the poor. Development of a nation should connote and entail quality of life for all citizens. The narcotics trade in Brazil appears to impact most heavily the poor communities and thus should be a priority for the government to deal with that it may lessen the gap between the rich and the poor.“ The poorest communities, where there are a few social and professional opportunities, represent a source of cheap labour for drug traffickers. It is in these communities that there appears to be a tendency towards drug abuse in its most harmful form-injecting drug use.” Remembering the previously described crime implications that drug trafficking is asssociated with, one might see how this is further exemplified with 90 per cent of prisoners belong to the low-income population. If the drug trafficking and crime continues unabted, so will the low quality of life that so many of the low-income population are destined for. In the same way, if the drug trafficking and consumption is increasing, it is drastically lessoning the chance for the poor to have upward mobility and thus fill in the poverty gap.

Drug Gangs

Drug gangs bring a number of additional issues into the picture. There is the serious issue of control of areas by drug lords. In these areas, federal police cannot even enter due to the gangs being even better armed than the police. There also is the detrimental, violent aspect of the gangs that was discussed a lot in connection with crime and violence. Violent situations heighten most when the gangs come into conflict with either the police or a rival gang. The citizens of the favelas, have, to some extent, adjusted to life circumscribed in this manner. “Gangs enjoy community support because they improve people’s lives. Drug trafficking brings money into the community. So there’s no use in coming to the favela, killing a bunch of gang members and leaving. The government thinks its smashing crime, but its just smashing today’s leaders. As soon as the police leave, more traffickers come to power” says a 23 year old man from Complexo do Alemao. Although not many would argue that the drug gangs truly benefit the community, there is dispute on what actions should be taken. As exemplified in the quoted statement above, many citizens view the police’s assault on the gangs as unproductive, harmful, and pointless if it is in effort to replace the narcotics sovereignty with equally dangerous, corrupt government officials.

Police

The issue surrounding the police force of Brazil is expansive. It is a sensitive issue, as always is the reforming of any lacking on the part of a federal government. Nevertheless countless sources have been unable to see the improvement that needs to take place with the police force. The lack of an authoritative and respected position is seriously harming the social dynamic of Brazil. The police force is seen as weak, underpaid, insufficient, and corrupt. Unlike some other intense issues concerning the drug trade, this problem is not limited to the favelas: weakness within the police force is evident throughout the varying regions of Brazil. Within the favelas, however, the issue is heightened because of the way that it interacts with the gangs and drug lords. The PCC, or the First Capital Command, is the largest drug gang, cartel and in 2006, it performed what was described as “audacious and ongoing attacks” on police, buses and banks. Analysts and human rights experts warned that the series of attacks signaled “a new power struggle between police and organized crime in Brazil's biggest state.” The lack of manpower coupled with the corruption of the police force empowers the gangs as well as upsetting the citizens.
“The PCC feels emboldened because it senses the government is weak."

In Brazil, some feel that the government needs to invest more in the police force. Right now they are not getting paid enough to care and are mostly all bought off by drug lords to keep quiet. Corruption, bribery is a big problem and as a consequence, the people do not respect the police. It is reported that there is an increasing number of corruption cases.

The UNODC backs up this opinion strongly and goes on to explain that because the police officers are not paid sufficiently they have no choice but to live in high-risk areas, some in which a police officer is killed every 17 hours. The major issues of drug-related crimes, smuggling of arms, organized crime, kidnapping, human trafficking, are all attributed to ineffective law enforcement and inadequate prison facilities.

''I have only 18 agents here and we only have 300 in all of Brazil. Everything favors the traffickers'', said Claudio Barrouin Mello, the chief of the narcotics division of the federal police in Rio de Janeiro.

Unfortunately, even that meager force appears to be corrupt. Reports of policemen beating up kids on the street is not uncommon. One resident of Rocinha, one of the biggest favelas, shares: “Kids here don’t fear the bogeyman, they fear the Caveirao. Police shoot at you without asking who you are.” Taking this into consideration, militarization of a strong police force may not be the answer in making residents feel safe and protected. Rather, it may ignite a costly street war. There are different views regarding the matter of how to handle the issue of the police force.

Brazil and Development

Taking the current drug situation into consideration, it is easy to get caught up in the many issues that are facing Brazil’s people as a result of the narcotics trade. However, in order to show how much of a role the narcotics issues play in the greater scheme of development, a broader view on Brazil’s development may be desired. Different experts have different takes on what is most important for Brazil’s development and what are the most serious issues to tackle.

Among the many opinions on what is most important for Brazil to progress, three major themes were
evident:

1.Government needs to not only invest more social expenditure, but also take the steps to ensure the effectiveness of those investments.

2. Equalize Distribution of Wealth.

3.Reduce social inequalities and prejudices.

As far as social expenditure goes, the OECD states that Brazil has a high level, but explains that that has not been converted into social outputs and this is an area that needs to be drastically improved. Apart from the intrinsic value in improving the quality of public spending, effort spent on improving delivery of these services would also benefit the poorest and would support the authorities’ goal of achieving higher sustainable levels of growth in the future.” Reasons for the lack of social result could be the skewed investment primarily to pensions and social security, apparently the pension budget exceeds the education budget by more than 35 per cent. The lack of social improvement could be the reason that a common request of the Brazilian people is better education, security, and health.

Another area in which some believe holds the key to development is the distribution of wealth, or rather, the lack thereof. Although Brazil’s GDP has been soaring, the GDP per capita in 2004 remained at $3,300 with a PPP of $7,700. In 2003, the UNDP assessed Brazil’s gini coefficient to be .61, which made it close to twice as unequal as Indonesia and leading among one of the most unequal nations in the world. In a report by Britain’s Department for International Development (DFID), poverty and unequal distribution of wealth was clearly pinpointed to be the major challenge for Brazil in its development.
The third area in which development is suggested to be dependent upon is the social structure. Brazil has a history of slavery, landless peoples, and discrimination between racial and social background. Some feel that this old system is still existent and is holding Brazil back. In The Synthesis of Social Indicators 2004, it is demonstrated that although Brazil has achieved progress in reducing social inequalities, “clear disadvantages related to gender, race, and other social and economic categories continue to exist.” In connection with the unequal distribution, poverty is drastically higher in the north, compared to the south where the majority of Caucasians reside. “Poverty is concentrated in the North East region, where the UN’s Human Development Index (HDI) is 0.57 (compared to 0.78 for the South of Brazil).”

After taking into account the prominent views regarding what is important for Brazil’s development, the
seriousness of the narcotics trade can be more accurately assessed. The simple point that neither the OECD nor the DFID directly identified drug trafficking and consumption to be particularly central to Brazil’s development, connotes that either it is an issue that does not warrant such attention or rather there is not enough awareness regarding its impact in order for it to be commonly assessed as serious.
My own analysis shows that, even regarding only the three major improvement points for development previously mentioned, the narcotics trade is connected to all of them. It is hindering social improvement, effectiveness of social expenditure, it is suppressing the lower class within an environment in which they are unable to earn a higher capita yearly and thus equalize distribution and finally it is clearly marked by social disadvantage: even race-wise, whites are less commonly found among the favelas than blacks. For this reason, after taking many viewpoints into consideration, it is reasonable to put forth the statement that the narcotics trade, drug consumption and the dynamic of drug trafficking within the favelas are seriously harming Brazil’s development. The question perhaps then becomes, where the does the solution begin; which end of the knotted rope must we first isolate?

Paths that have been taken: Solutions?

In assessing the effectiveness of solutions one must consider several kinds: those of grassroots movements, those initiated by the government, those initiated by the UN and NGOs and finally those proposed by citizens of Brazil. The way these aiding efforts could directly affect the poor is also significant. It may be that when the Brazilian government and society can offer the impoverished a better option, the drug trade, or at least the power of the drug lords may diminish.

Grassroots movements

Without going into too much detail, the Afroreggae movement was the strongest media that sparked my personal interest and concern regarding the favelas and the drug trafficking of Brazil. It is a social movement centered on the idea of empowerment, specializing in pride and hope for the Afro-Brazilian community through music, dance, and martial arts programs for youth and adults alike. The success story of changing the attitudes of the community and offering better opportunities to youth than employment under drug gangs, is profoundly inspirational. The government, seeing the success of the group, begged it to expand and begin sister programs within other favelas. It was begun by a group a friends after a genuine discussion on what could be done about all of the drugs and violence that consumed their reality. These individuals were the catalysts of change. It was my hope to encounter other grassroots movement success stories, however no major sources I found referred to any, though they may exist. There was one that didn’t pertain directly to the drug situation but more to the millions of citizens that are without property and are squatting: this is referred to as the Landless People’s Movement.

Government Initiatives

The government of Brazil has taken numerous steps towards trying to affect change within the favelas and with the drug trade in general. As was mentioned, it became a party to the 1988 UN Drug Convention and has been working towards the goals of that convention. Efforts include addressing the lack of chemical dependency rehabilitation centers that reintegrate the individual back into society. “Experience shows that investing resources in treatment by offering quality services reduces criminality substantially. Income generating crime-such as theft, shoplifting, and robbery is considerably reduced. This contributes to improved public security at the family, community and country levels. The cost to society of untreated drug dependency is estimated at several hundred million US dollars in Brazil.”
Another effort by the government of Brazil includes the Aerial Interdiction Operations, in which planes are responsible to follow illegal aircraft, intercept them and oblige them to land. Technology, radar is being utilized towards the reduction of illegal trafficking. One journalist reports that the officer affirmed that since this operation with Brazil began, the number of illegal flights has dropped by 56 per cent in the border area, prompting him to assert that they have struck a heavy blow to the drug trafficking groups that operate in this region of the country. The biggest problem that remains with this kind of method is that traffickers merely resort to alterior routes, of which there are many.

Another issue that has arisen regarding a surveillance system SIVAM that was set up in the amazon region of Northern Brazil, was the lack of result due to a persistant insufficency of enforcement. “However, since its creation along with other government projects, crime rates have drastically spiked. This suggests that the executive branch is still badly lacking. The major issues of drug-related crimes, smuggling of arms, organized crime, kidnapping, human trafficking, are all attributed to ineffective law enforcement and inadequate prison facilities.” The control method was recently excelerated by the approval of a law that permits the “shooting down of suspicious airplanes that refuse to identify themselves and land when ordered to do so by authorities.” Most recently, in the summer of 2007, Brazil’s government pledged $1.7 billion to improve conditions in the shantytowns or favelas of Rio de Janeiro, as an effort to defeat organized crime.

UN/ NGO Initiatives

The UN has a number of different projects that are directly impacting/ helping the drug situations of Brazil and of the world. Firstly, the UN Office of Drugs and Crime should be recognized because besides all of their initiatives and actions, the awareness and availability of information that they offer is invaluable. The majority of the research analyzed in this paper is attributed to their studies and observations. Alternative development is one initiative of the UNODC, and it tackles the root cause the drug production by offering alternative crops and employment to the producers of illegal drugs. Although Brazil does not play a huge role in production, the reduction of production in the surrounding nations will no undoubtedly reduce the use of Brazil as a transit country. The effectiveness of this project is still being developed, but the general idea of pulling citizens out of the drug trade by offering them a better option is, to say the least, ingenious.

Another very recent operation by an NGO is the development of a National Plan for Youth, which would represent youth from all walks of life. A youth conference was held in Brasilia (Brazil’s capital) with more than 2,000 youth participating. The group made history marking the first time where youth discussed issues such as drugs and violence: these two issues surfaced as the participants’ top priorities. Besides the Federal District of Brasilia, 26 other states are holding local conferences where young delegates are elected to represent at a national youth conference to be held in late April of 2008. This is one initiative that represents a growing movement among youth that, if successful, could ignite significant social reform.

The UNODC, whose reports outshine the rest in statistics, research and research compilation, heavily suggests preventive strategies, especially in regard to the violence sired by the narcotics trade. More specifically, it recommends demographically developed analysis of factors contributing to the violence in order to produce an accurate diagnosis.

Proposed Solutions by Citizens

One solution proposed by a Brazilian emphasized the need for government investment and spending on social culture programmes and education that will ready the youth: “Government needs to spend more money and invest in the culture and social environment and education so that children will have a good basis and foundation and be ready to meet the world.” At the recent youth conference, a similar consensus was built to create opportunities for youth: “Kids have to keep their minds and bodies busy in order to prevent problems with drugs and crime.” The general social opinion appears to be that, better than simply trying to outlaw or take the drugs away, is to invest in education and infrastructure. This is built on the belief that if the culture is changed and awareness is spread, people will naturally move away from the drug trade.

Other social areas to which general attention is being drawn by citizens of Brazil includes family programs and investment in the police force. The youth conference put forth the statement: “The family also needs to be factored into social policies for drug abuse and violence prevention.” Investment in the police force is already an issue that has come up a lot. But it is noteworthy that citizens of Brazil feel that the police force is one of major areas that need immediate reform. “Government should also invest more in the police force. Right now they are not getting paid enough to care and are mostly all bought off by drug lords to keep quiet. Corruption, bribery is a big problem and the people do not respect the police.” One idea proposed that awareness of human rights is the key to awakening reform in the police force: “Kids propose that the issue of police corruption could be alleviated by increasing awareness on “human rights amongst youth and disseminating contacts of state-related agencies and toll-free numbers to denounce crimes. The group stressed the importance of training authorities and encouraging colleagues to report abuses.”

Obstacles

However internal a nation’s fight against drugs can be, the market driven aspect of all of the trafficking operations cannot be ignored. In an article released by UNIS, it was described how the drug cultivation/ trafficking in Morocco and in general can be attributed primarily to Europe’s demand for the drugs. Supply and demand cannot be underestimated. Executive director of UNODC puts forth the statement: “ Europe’s drug habits are at the heart of the illegal activity.” He goes on to praise Morocco for doing their part in trying to decrease the drug problem. Undoubtedly, in the same way we can applaud Brazil’s efforts to try to curb the trafficking, but one might assume that as long as there is market demand, supply will materialize. There is a lot Brazil can due to decrease its own, domestic consumption demand, but as far as the market in Europe and the US, it is somewhat out of their hands.

Many different paths have been taken in attempt to curb the narcotics trade of South America that has chosen Brazil as its favorite transit route. Some have been as aggressive as passing laws that permit the shooting down of suspicious planes that refuse to identify themselves. When analyzing the measures that have been taken it is understandably most accurate to say each measure plays a very valuable part. However a more constructive analysis may venture to say that while drastic, military actions may produce immediate results, it does not necessarily tackle the root of the problem and thus cannot be effective in and of itself. One such example is the development of SIVAM, the surveillance system recently developed in the Amazon region that has not been able to gain control over the expansive issues in the region. Through research, it is evident that the narcotics trade, especially in the way that it undermines quality of life for so many, may be only “curbable” through the efforts and initiatives of citizens that are being affected: grassroots movements and social initiatives that spread awareness and hope for the future. These cultural movements will inevitably spur the passing of laws that would help control the drug trafficking.

It seems that the rules alone, especially with the current state of the police force, will not produce sustainable results. The most probable reason for this is that the main labour source for the drug traffickers (the poorest demographic) exists because of the lack of other social and professional opportunities. This is one of the reasons why the movements of afroreggae and others hold much value: they begin to offer them those missing opportunities. However, the success and growth of these grassroots movements can only be secured when the populous of Brazil, on a large scale, and the federal government takes interest in them. In the example of the Afroreggae movement, one sees that after the initial inspiration and ground-up work, federal or external support was sought.

Analysis and Conclusion

Taking into account the many issues and relationships discussed, the grander picture of the effect of drug trafficking on the nation of Brazil begins to form. From the research done for this paper, a number of clear conclusions can be made. One is that, for the slum areas controlled by drug lords, the seriousness of the situation cannot be expressed in words. The eradication of drug trafficking may be in the best interest of Brazil considering that, besides its illegality, it is the cause of a shocking flood of homicide, illiteracy and other deleterious effects.

The demographic that is most affected has been somewhat ignored by the government of Brazil and securing federal concern for it is a high priority towards achieving a healthy middle class. Another conclusion that was reached was the understanding that should integrated drug societies expand, this would make the issue that much more critical. There is evidence that trafficking routes are starting to expand and with them, the demographics of those getting involved. Before it was mostly the very poor that were involved in drug consumption and trafficking and now it is spreading to all social strata. Also the problem used to be quite isolated to certain areas, especially within the cities of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo but now it is reported that it is becoming more and more common to see narcotics trade affecting other areas, such as the southern state of Parana which used to not be involved to a noticeable extent.

Another significant conclusion is that although the drug trafficking/ consumption issue is serious, it may be able to be fixed naturally through the forming of social programmes, and improvement on police, education and health departments. But again due to the expanding phenomenon within the narcotics trade, consumption and trafficking is something that Brazil needs to be careful with. Although the country is still considered to be a nation of average consumption, it seems that it has been spreading and if the situation in the favelas is a preview into a possible future of other areas, it is something to be avoided at all costs.

If in fact the drug trade does continue to expand, it could simultaneously be spreading underdevelopment. In scanning and analyzing solutions, my feeling was that it may take a grassroots social movement in order to really turn around the situation in the favelas. Even recently the Federal GOB committed $1.7 billion towards improving conditions in the favelas but citizens remain skeptical, especially considering how corrupt the police force has been in the past. One of the most inspiring efforts I have noticed is the Afroreggae movement documented in "Favelas Rising". It just showed that with government support how the people there could pick themselves up and work towards a better, healthier society. As far as maintaining the trafficking, a lot of it has to do with the international control, considering Brazil is a transit country. Drugs will continue to be smuggled into wherever they can, but governments are beginning to cooperate to stop them and amidst the communities if citizens clearly do not want to be part of the trafficking, perhaps the cartels will find they lack the manpower for their operations.

When the question of whether the drug problem is serious is again posed: it can be concluded: how can it not be serious when it is the cause of 325,551 peoples death from 1993 to 2003. As Garfield Azevedo, a citizen of Brazil, put it when asked if the narcotics trade makes a big impact, “For the economy it doesn’t, but for the people it does” For the people, it impedes development: it undermines quality of life.


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